The thought definitely is smart from an ethical perspective. It appears unacceptable that Russians can get pleasure from holidays in luxurious inns on the French Riviera and procuring journeys in EU capitals whereas Ukrainians endure and die in Russia’s warfare on Ukraine. Travel to Europe isn’t a human proper, so the argument goes, however a privilege unsuited to nationals of a rustic that has invaded a neighbouring state and dedicated large-scale warfare crimes there.
The second argument in favour of a visa ban relies on completely different assumptions: the measure is supposed to indicate to the Russian public – particularly the city higher center class, whose views the Kremlin is supposedly most involved about – that the warfare has a worth. Supporters of the ban see the chance to journey to the EU as a part of the social contract the Russian regime has created with its home supporters. By destroying that social contract, the visa ban would cut back the regime’s room for manoeuvre at house.
Barring Russian nationals from travelling to the EU wouldn’t isolate them however merely make them flip to different locations
This line of argument has two main flaws. Firstly, it’s wishful considering to imagine that journey restrictions on Russian nationals would have an effect on the Kremlin’s insurance policies. Travel to Europe was too costly for many Russians even earlier than the suspension of direct flights between member states and Russia. Barring Russian nationals from travelling to the EU wouldn’t isolate them however merely make them flip to different locations. While it’s true that journeys to EU member states haven’t essentially made Russians extra receptive to European values, a visa ban – a restriction the EU has by no means particularly imposed on the nationals of any nation – would play into the arms of the Russian authorities’s propaganda in regards to the West’s alleged Russophobia. Russians who journey to the EU ought to see the inaccuracy of the Kremlin’s caricature of Europe. The choice could be welcomed by the regime, which has lengthy constructed its legitimacy on the resentment and frustrations of the Russian public. In flip, the ban would take advantage of open-minded Russians extra weak, as any of them who lived within the EU or travelled there could be labelled as a fifth column of the West in Russia. These folks might have an vital position sooner or later: there will likely be a Russia after President Vladimir Putin.
Secondly, this argument ignores the truth that the Russian regime leaves little house for expressing dissent and severely punishes those that accomplish that. Over the years, it has efficiently performed on the social and political fragmentation of Russian society to stop the emergence of a structured protest motion, whereas on the similar time creating devices to form public opinion and discredit different discourses. The type of large demonstrations that came about in Moscow in 2011-2012 would not be doable. And Russians who oppose the warfare have as an alternative developed other forms of protest, permitting them to convey their message in public areas whereas remaining as protected as doable. Barring these folks from journey to the EU would deprive them of a security valve – a break from a repressive setting – and would stop them from visiting the EU on brief discover in the event that they had been at risk. These folks mustn’t have to decide on between asylum and loyalty to the regime: they need to have the chance to remain in Russia if they’re prepared to take the danger, and to go away if they should, together with for brief durations of time.
There can be some self-delusion within the argument {that a} ban would cowl solely so-called vacationer visas. Visas are categorised by the period of travellers’ keep: both as much as 90 days or greater than this. The cause for the keep – similar to tourism, household visits, or enterprise – solely determines the kind of paperwork that ought to accompany the appliance. So, a ban on vacationer visas would really imply a ban on both any type of journey to the EU for lower than 90 days or on purposes based mostly on a lodge reserving, which is the quickest option to apply for a visa. It would grow to be troublesome for all Russian nationals – together with civil society activists, journalists, and artists – to use for a visa with out established contacts in EU international locations and a tedious bureaucratic course of involving paperwork for a non-tourist visa. Humanitarian visas, usually offered instead that these folks might use, are solely out there in a small variety of EU member states. And it’s unlikely {that a} Russian nationwide who obtained a humanitarian visa might then safely journey again to Russia. Therefore, a ban on vacationer visas for Russian nationals would drive these folks to decide on between undesirable exile or an unsafe return to Russia.
For the sake of its personal identification, the EU ought to assume twice earlier than adopting a measure that might deeply query the values it aspires to. The European challenge relies on openness and non-discrimination – even when, in recent times, the union has generally strayed from these values in its migration coverage.
There is not any method {that a} visa ban would contribute to Ukraine’s victory on the bottom. It could be higher for the EU to deal with the issues that would obtain this aim: sustaining and imposing sanctions on Russia, which might constrain its capability to maintain its warfare effort; supporting the financial, social, and monetary resilience of Ukraine; and offering Ukraine with the weapons it must proceed the struggle. The EU ought to put together to maintain these insurance policies over time fairly than introduce measures which can be symbolic however ineffective.
The European Council on Foreign Relations doesn’t take collective positions. ECFR publications solely symbolize the views of their particular person authors.